tration of the three princes of the blood who are the nearest kinsmen of
the Ziogoon, and their decision is final. I f they do not agree in opinion
with the monarch, he must instantly relinquish the throne to his son or to
some other heir. He is not allowed even the poor privilege of revising or
retracting an opinion. Should the three princes concur in the Ziogoon’s
opinion, then the member of the council who proposed the obnoxious measure
thus rejected must die; and those who voted with him are often required
to die also. Sometimes the whole council, with the 8 Governor of
the Empire § at their head, have in this way been obliged to atone for a
mere mistake in national policy by putting themselves to death.
4. As to the government of lordships, which are only smaller principalities,
the rule is the same; a duality of governors, an alternation in the
discharge of official duties, and a separation every other year from all do-
mestic enjoyment.
5. In the imperial provinces and imperial cities the Ziogoon, or rather
the vizier and grand council for him, select two governors from the nobility,
and surround them with the usual apparatus of secretaries and Under secretaries,
police officers, spies, and all other officials.
As to the spies themselves, they are of every rank in life below that of
the hereditary princes. The highest nobility dare not shrink from the
occupation, and even stoop to disguiBe themselves, the more effectually to
perform the degrading office. The fact is, if directed to act as spies, they
must either do it or adopt as the alternative, death I Doubtless many of
those who perform this dishonorable work would gladly, were it possible,
escape from the degradation; while there are some, ambitious of succeeding
to those whom they denounce, to whom the occupation is congenial enough.
A story is told by the writers of Japan which illustrates this. Complaints
were sent to the grand council of the governor of the town of
Matsmai; the council resorted to its usual plan of employing a spy. In a
little while the offending governor was removed. To the amazement of the
people, they recognized in his successor a man whom they had known as a
journeyman tobacco-cutter in the town, who, a short time before the displacement
of the old governor, had suddenly disappeared from his master’s
shop. The journeyman was a disguised nobleman, who had acted the part
of a spy by order of the court.
A very singular custom of self-punishment, even unto death, prevails
among all the officials of Japan. When one has offended, or even when in
his department there has been any violation of law, although beyond his
power of prevention, so sure is he of the punishment of death that he
anticipates it by ripping up his own body, disembowelling himself, rather
than to be delivered over to the executioner. In fact, he is encouraged to
do so, inasmuch as by his self-destruction he saves his property from forfeiture
and his family from death with him. With many of the high officials
it is a point of honor thus to kill themselves on any failure in their departments;
it is construed into an acknowledgment that they deserve to be put
to death by the Emperor, and their sons are often promoted to high positions,
as a sort of reward for the father’s ingenuous acknowledgment of
guilt.
It is easy to see, from what has been said, why the laws and customs of
Japan are so obstinately unalterable. Every man is afraid of proposing
an innovation, however wise or necessary, because the penalty is so fearful
should it not be approved. He who in the grand council offers a measure
which is disapproved by the tribunal of final resort pays for his act with his
life. A governor, or lord, or prince, knows that if he attempts any altera-
tion, no matter how salutary, he will be instantly denounced by his colleague,'
or secretary, a spy upon his conduct, as a violator of the established
usages of the Empire, and the certain consequence is death. So, too, with
the common people; broken up into their little sections of five families, they
dare not depart in the slightest degree from what is prescribed, for they are
quite sure that the authorities will be informed of it, and the penalty inevitably
follows. There cannot, under such a system, be anything like judicious
legislation, founded on inquiry, and adapted to the ever varying
circumstances of life. All must proceed exactly as it has done for centuries;1
progress is rendered impossible, and hence, in some degree, the difficulty,
so long experienced in all Christendom, of bringing the Japanese into communication
with other nations. As a remedy for an existing evil, they saw
fit, centuries ago, to interdict entirely all such communication; and, though
the fact admits of proof that many of their wisest men would gladly have
seen the interdict removed or modified, as being no longer necessary in
their altered circumstances, yet no man dared to propose any alteration.
We may venture to hope that, even in the partial communication with
strangers allowed to the Japanese by the late treaty with our country, the
first step has been taken in breaking down their long prevalent system of
unalterable laws and unchangeable customs. But among a people so sensitive
and suspicious considerable time must elapse before much progress
is made in a better direction. And, in the first exercise of our rights under
the treaty, it is to be hoped the greatest care will be taken by our countrymen
to avoid everything which can alarm the sleepless Japanese jealousy
of strangers; if there be not, there is danger lest in their apprehensions, or
perchance in mere caprice, they may seek to undo all that they have thus
far done. I t is obvious that a great deal depends now on the fairness, good
sense, and good temper of our consular representatives. One rash man may
overturn all that has been accomplished.
The system of espionage to which we have alluded explains also what
all the writers on Japan, and all the officers of our late expedition, represent
as a prominent characteristic. We allude to the systematic falsehood and