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 colonial,  and  British  produce  and  manufacture,  and  
 see  not  one  article  for  which  he  has  paid  any  thing  
 beyond  the  price  of produce  and  labour,  and  the  trader’s  
 profit.  But  these  privileges  are  necessary  to  the  
 prosperity  of  Jersey.  Without  them,  its  population  
 would  dwindle  away;  trade would  languish,  and  property  
 fall  in  value;  and  thus  depopulated,  moneyless,  
 and  nerveless,  the  island would  fall  a  prey  to  France,  
 on  the  outbreaking  of a war—an  event,  which  if it  be  
 the  policy  of  England  to  avert,  can  be  averted  only  
 by  protecting  the  privileges  of Jersey,  though  guarding  
 against  the  abuse  of them;  and  thus  encouraging  
 the  prosperity,  and  consequently,  the  patriotism  and  
 loyalty  of those who  enjoy  them. 
 Besides  the  important,  and  real  privileges which  I  
 have  mentioned,  Jersey  possesses  others,  highly  esteemed  
 by  those  who  exercise  them—none  of  them  
 however,  of any  real  value,  and  one,  directly  prejudicial  
 to  the  welfare  of  the  island.  This,  the  right  of  
 electing  their  own  judges,  I  have  already  spoken  of.  
 The  other  political  privileges  consist  in  being  governed  
 by  their  own  legislature;  the  inoperativeness  
 of all writs  from  British  courts  of judicature;  freedom  
 from  the  effects  of acts  of parliament;  exemption  from  
 the  impress  service;  and  some  other privileges,  which  
 are  either  too  trifling  to  notice,  or which  are  not now  
 recognized.  These  contribute  nothing  to  the  prosperity  
 of  Jersey;  and,  with  the  exception  of  freedom  
 from  the  impress  service,  nothing  towards  the  happiness  
 of the  people.  Many  of them  are,  besides,  imaginary. 
   An  act  of parliament,  backed  by  an  order  in  
 council,  may  extend  to  Jersey;  the  refusal  of  the 
 royal  sanction makes  nugatory the  acts  of island  legislation  
 ;  and  it were  absurd  for  a  moment  to  suppose,  
 that  the  parliament  of  Britain  does  not  legislate  for  
 the  benefit  of  the  whole  empire.  For  the  preservation  
 of  all  its  truly  valuable  privileges,  Jersey  is  
 indebted  to  the  interest  of  the  empire  at  large.  
 Whether  or not  it would  be well,  that  the  habeas  corpus  
 act  should  be  made  to  extend  to  this  island,  let  
 the  following  fact  testify.  It  is  but lately,  that  a girl  
 was  imprisoned,  charged  with  some  inconsiderable  
 offence  by  the  authority  of  some  police  officer.  She  
 remained  in  prison  nine months;  at  the  end  of which  
 time,  upon  the  representation  of  one  of  his  majesty’s  
 receivers  general  (for  be  it  recollected  that  the maintenance  
 of prisoners  forms  a  deduction  from  the  king’s  
 revenue)  the  girl  was  brought  up  for  trial,  or  rather  
 for  accusation.  There  was  no  accuser,—no  charge;  
 the  cause  even  of  her  imprisonment  was  unknown;  
 and  she was  discharged. 
 A  thorough  and  radical  change  in  the  civil  constitution  
 of  the  island,  is  essential  to  the  happiness  of  
 the  people  of Jersey.  So  long  as the  present mode  of  
 constituting  the  bench  be  maintained,  the  spirit  of  
 faction  will  continue  to  exercise  its  despotism :  and  
 ignorance,  and  partiality  will  impede  the  course  of  
 justice.  From  the  island  legislature,  nothing  is  to  be  
 hoped:  it  is  in  vain  to  imagine,  that  the  twelve  
 judges,  and  the  twelve  rectors,  will  accede  to  any  
 proposition  for  excluding  themselves  from  the  legislative  
 body.  But  indeed,  it  is  much  to  be  doubted,  
 whether a legislature, however formed, would be found  
 an  efficient  one;  for  there  is  no  reason  to  believe. 
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